For once, Brussels and Europe’s capitals will be listening attentively to the UK, as it negotiates its way out of the EU and into a new arrangement. Whatever ‘Brexit means Brexit’ means – whether Theresa May favours a soft Brexit or a hard Brexit, single market membership or complete liberation from the European Union – Leave.EU will be reporting on and dissecting the information for your benefit.
This seemingly insignificant component in the EU treaties attracted little attention during the referendum campaign, but it will be central to the process of withdrawing from the European Union in the coming months and years. Article 50 defines the pathway for any Member State to exit from the European Union. The Prime Minister has indicated that she will invoke Article 50 before the end March, paving the way for a two-year period of negotiations on Britain’s exit from and future relationship with the European Union. Leave.EU will be reporting on Article 50 developments on a constant basis. Make sure to tune in, we’ll be unravelling it all.
After months of secrecy about Britain’s negotiating position, Theresa May gave some hints towards her vision for Brexit in a major speech on 17 January 2017. Among her promises was an exit from the EU’s Single Market, stressing that a Brexit that left us in would mean “not leaving the EU at all”. Such an arrangement would require a bespoke deal to facilitate the “freest possible trade” with European partners, but would allow us to control our borders. But she was not so clear on continued participation in the European Union’s Customs Union, merely committing to an end to full membership and expressing a desire to not be “bound” by shared tariffs. Membership of the customs union, whether partial or full, will severely restrict Britain’s ability to secure trade deals.
She also reiterated her promise to invoke Article 50 and start the two year Brexit negotiations by the end of March 2017. But with negotiations yet to begin and Parliament armed with a vote on the final deal, a range of alternatives is still possible.
Click here to learn more about the Brexit process, how we leave and when.
A BREAKDOWN OF THE OPTIONS
1. THE UK REMAINS A MEMBER OF THE EEA
Under this option, Britain would still remain within the European Economic Area (EEA), which comprises of all the EU Member States plus three other countries, Norway, Iceland, and Lichtenstein. The EEA is essentially, the EU’s Internal Market, minus agriculture and fisheries. A ‘Norway-Style’ relationship therefore means the European Court of Justice will no longer be Britain’s supreme court, EU VAT requirements will no longer apply, agriculture and fisheries policies will be back under the government’s control, as will its ability to independently negotiate trade deals. A condition of remaining in the single market however is to adopt Free Movement, pay budget contributions to the EU, albeit at a significantly reduced level, and adhere to the EU’s single market regulations.
2. THE UK NEGOTIATES ITS OWN EEA TYPE DEAL
Switzerland, chose to arrange its own EEA-type deal with the EU. It has tariff-free access to the single market, but whereas Norway and the other EEA countries have chosen to weld most of their industries to the EU’s single market, Switzerland has opted to be more selective. The alpine country has still had to adhere to free movement of labour, but it has on occasion decided to restrict access to its labour market for non-Swiss nationals.
3. THE UK REMAINS PART OF THE CUSTOMS UNION
The Customs Union in many ways mirrors the the EEA. Just as all EU countries are in the EEA, they are also members of the CU. Non-EU countries in the Customs Union are usually hoping to one day become fully-fledged EU Member States, whereas the likes of EEA Norway have decided not to join the EU but have sought a higher level of EU market access. Non-EU countries in the customs union include Turkey, free movement is not a pre-requisite as it is with the EEA. The EU will want to retain access to the UK labour market so the EU may seek to take the CU option off the table.
Besides, the CU carries a major drawback. Members must adopt the EU’s common tariffs (aka import duties). In other words, members of the CU cannot unilaterally raise or lower tariffs on any imports other than agricultural goods, and as a result, they cannot enter into trade agreements without the EU doing so first. EEA countries can. If Iceland was a member of the CU instead of the EEA it would not have been able to sign a trade deal with China.
4. THE UK AGREES A FREE TRADE AGREEMENT (FTA) WITH THE EU
The most relaxed of the formal options available to the UK is a typical free trade deal. Britain would retain full or partial access to the Single Market, meaning tariffs on the vast majority of goods would continue to be exempted. But there would be no requirement for the UK to adopt regulations from Brussels, nor would Free Movement be a pre-requisite.
5. THE UK TRADES WITH THE EU THROUGH WORLD TRADE ORGANISATION (WTO) RULES
Should negotiations break down with the European Union for whatever reason, the UK would fall back onto World Trade Organisation (WTO) rules in its commercial relationship with the EU. The core principle of WTO membership is to treat all other members equally and the EU will not be able to impose arbitrary and prohibitive duties on imports from the UK.
The job of leaving the EU has been handed to David Davis, a key figure in Britain’s fight to be freed from the European Union. His job – Secretary of State for Leaving the EU – is a new position in the Cabinet, created by Theresa May. Britain will require a strong hand in negotiating our exit, ensuring we are not made an example of by the petulant EU elites, fearful of other countries brave enough to follow us out into the wider world. A self-stylised libertarian, he is extremely head strong and is not afraid to speak out against the establishment – he could be the right man for the job.
ARTICLE 50 NEWS & BLOG
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